War
- Thread starter captainmorgan
- Start date
cannabineer
Ursus marijanus
Why am I not surprised?
Heck; they just sank 93.6 mil into their most effective property.
BudmanTX
Well-Known Member
Orban just needs to take a back seat and stfu.......
Meanwhile, seems the Russian Partisan Legion in UA is ramping up a little.....
Belgorod is being contested now by the Freedom Legion of Russia, maybe its good that Russia get a little taste of they're own, this time in they're region.....
Meanwhile, seems the Russian Partisan Legion in UA is ramping up a little.....
Belgorod is being contested now by the Freedom Legion of Russia, maybe its good that Russia get a little taste of they're own, this time in they're region.....
BudmanTX
Well-Known Member
Also, they're seems to be an agreement on something.....
an end to a command post at the mouth of the river......good bye....
an end to a command post at the mouth of the river......good bye....
printer
Well-Known Member
Democrats launch effort to force vote on Ukraine
House Democrats on Tuesday formally launched their promised effort to force a vote on Ukraine aid, a long-shot bid to compel the legislation to the floor over the objection of the Republican leaders who control the chamber.
Sponsored by Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), ranking member of the House Rules Committee, the Democrats’ discharge petition would require 218 signatures to force consideration of a Senate-passed foreign aid package, which provides $95 billion for Ukraine, Israel, Taiwan and humanitarian assistance in Gaza.
The Senate had passed the bill last month by a vote of 70-29, with 22 Republicans — including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) — supporting the legislation.
But the proposal has hit a brick wall in the lower chamber, where Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has refused to consider it, citing the absence of language to strengthen security on the U.S.-Mexico border.
To break the logjam, McGovern and Democratic leaders are hoping to find enough bipartisan support for the discharge petition to sidestep Johnson’s opposition and bring the Senate bill to the floor, where they predict it would pass easily with more than 300 votes.
“What we are asking our colleagues — Democrats and Republicans — is to sign the discharge petition that will bring to the floor the Senate national security bipartisan supplemental,” Rep. Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.), chair of the House Democratic Caucus, said Tuesday during a press briefing in the Capitol.
“That is the fastest and easiest way to solve this issue.”
The success rate of discharge petitions, however, is extremely low — the last one to force a bill to the floor occurred in 2015 — and it’s far from certain that Democrats will win the 218 signatures they’re after.
Some liberal Democrats are already balking at the idea of providing more military aid to Israel — as the Senate bill does — amid a war with Hamas that’s already killed more than 30,000 people in Gaza. Those lawmakers want conditions put on that aid, ensuring Israel complies with international human rights guidelines.
Across the aisle, meanwhile, even moderate Republicans — those deemed most likely to endorse McGovern’s discharge petition — are hammering the Democrats’ strategy of insisting on the Senate’s version of the foreign aid package. Those voices say no Ukraine aid can pass through the House without tougher border security.
“It’s DOA, it’ll never get on the floor,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.).
“You got to have ‘remain in Mexico,’” he added, referring to a Trump-era policy that restricted the flow of migrants across the border into the U.S. “We’re gonna have to do some kind of border security policy. And it’s $95 billion, and I think the poor side of the aisle feels like that’s too much money.”
The issue of Ukraine has divided Republicans, both on and off of Capitol Hill, pitting veteran institutionalists like McConnell, who support a muscular foreign policy, against a more isolationist group, led by former President Trump, that wants Washington to direct its resources more squarely on internal domestic problems.
Hoping to bridge that divide is Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), who has introduced his own discharge petition designed to force a vote on a broader Ukraine package that includes the border security provisions many Republicans are demanding.
“It is an unsustainable argument, either in the short-term or the long-term, that we’re going to defend the borders of our foreign allies but not our own,” Fitzpatrick said last week.
That proposal has already won the support of a handful of moderate Democrats, who are warning that their approach is the only viable way to get more Ukraine aid to President Biden’s desk this year.
“Right now, ours is the only one that has bipartisan support,” Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine), one of the lead sponsors of the Fitzpatrick bill, told reporters last week. “There’s no support for the Senate-passed bill when it comes to a strategy focused on a discharge petition.”
Yet Democratic leaders are warning that Ukraine — which is under siege from Russian forces and running low on ammunition — simply doesn’t have the time to wait for Congress to bounce competing bills back and forth between the two chambers.
“These are well-meaning members. But we disagree that that is the right solution,” Aguilar said of those pushing Fitzpatrick’s approach. “Under any scenario, that bill, that discharge, would force a vote on something that still has to go to the U.S. Senate. And that could take weeks or months to deliver the critical aid that’s necessary.”
thehill.com
House Democrats on Tuesday formally launched their promised effort to force a vote on Ukraine aid, a long-shot bid to compel the legislation to the floor over the objection of the Republican leaders who control the chamber.
Sponsored by Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), ranking member of the House Rules Committee, the Democrats’ discharge petition would require 218 signatures to force consideration of a Senate-passed foreign aid package, which provides $95 billion for Ukraine, Israel, Taiwan and humanitarian assistance in Gaza.
The Senate had passed the bill last month by a vote of 70-29, with 22 Republicans — including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) — supporting the legislation.
But the proposal has hit a brick wall in the lower chamber, where Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has refused to consider it, citing the absence of language to strengthen security on the U.S.-Mexico border.
To break the logjam, McGovern and Democratic leaders are hoping to find enough bipartisan support for the discharge petition to sidestep Johnson’s opposition and bring the Senate bill to the floor, where they predict it would pass easily with more than 300 votes.
“What we are asking our colleagues — Democrats and Republicans — is to sign the discharge petition that will bring to the floor the Senate national security bipartisan supplemental,” Rep. Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.), chair of the House Democratic Caucus, said Tuesday during a press briefing in the Capitol.
“That is the fastest and easiest way to solve this issue.”
The success rate of discharge petitions, however, is extremely low — the last one to force a bill to the floor occurred in 2015 — and it’s far from certain that Democrats will win the 218 signatures they’re after.
Some liberal Democrats are already balking at the idea of providing more military aid to Israel — as the Senate bill does — amid a war with Hamas that’s already killed more than 30,000 people in Gaza. Those lawmakers want conditions put on that aid, ensuring Israel complies with international human rights guidelines.
Across the aisle, meanwhile, even moderate Republicans — those deemed most likely to endorse McGovern’s discharge petition — are hammering the Democrats’ strategy of insisting on the Senate’s version of the foreign aid package. Those voices say no Ukraine aid can pass through the House without tougher border security.
“It’s DOA, it’ll never get on the floor,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.).
“You got to have ‘remain in Mexico,’” he added, referring to a Trump-era policy that restricted the flow of migrants across the border into the U.S. “We’re gonna have to do some kind of border security policy. And it’s $95 billion, and I think the poor side of the aisle feels like that’s too much money.”
The issue of Ukraine has divided Republicans, both on and off of Capitol Hill, pitting veteran institutionalists like McConnell, who support a muscular foreign policy, against a more isolationist group, led by former President Trump, that wants Washington to direct its resources more squarely on internal domestic problems.
Hoping to bridge that divide is Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), who has introduced his own discharge petition designed to force a vote on a broader Ukraine package that includes the border security provisions many Republicans are demanding.
“It is an unsustainable argument, either in the short-term or the long-term, that we’re going to defend the borders of our foreign allies but not our own,” Fitzpatrick said last week.
That proposal has already won the support of a handful of moderate Democrats, who are warning that their approach is the only viable way to get more Ukraine aid to President Biden’s desk this year.
“Right now, ours is the only one that has bipartisan support,” Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine), one of the lead sponsors of the Fitzpatrick bill, told reporters last week. “There’s no support for the Senate-passed bill when it comes to a strategy focused on a discharge petition.”
Yet Democratic leaders are warning that Ukraine — which is under siege from Russian forces and running low on ammunition — simply doesn’t have the time to wait for Congress to bounce competing bills back and forth between the two chambers.
“These are well-meaning members. But we disagree that that is the right solution,” Aguilar said of those pushing Fitzpatrick’s approach. “Under any scenario, that bill, that discharge, would force a vote on something that still has to go to the U.S. Senate. And that could take weeks or months to deliver the critical aid that’s necessary.”
Democrats launch effort to force vote on Ukraine
House Democrats on Tuesday formally launched their promised effort to force a vote on Ukraine aid, a long-shot bid to compel the legislation to the floor over the objection of the Republican leader…
thehill.com
BudmanTX
Well-Known Member
Looks like the US found some money somewhere......nice
wish people would start looking at the EDA program....that would also help out as well
wish people would start looking at the EDA program....that would also help out as well
When Johnson,(appropriately named I add)took the gavel Trump needed a underwear change,the possibilities to intimidate/influence this geek must have been unlimited in the Trump playbook,the guy looks like he gave up his lunch money as a kid to a bully protection racket.THIS goober w/the gavel is another in a ever growing list of the deep dives my country has taken.Democrats launch effort to force vote on Ukraine
House Democrats on Tuesday formally launched their promised effort to force a vote on Ukraine aid, a long-shot bid to compel the legislation to the floor over the objection of the Republican leaders who control the chamber.
Sponsored by Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), ranking member of the House Rules Committee, the Democrats’ discharge petition would require 218 signatures to force consideration of a Senate-passed foreign aid package, which provides $95 billion for Ukraine, Israel, Taiwan and humanitarian assistance in Gaza.
The Senate had passed the bill last month by a vote of 70-29, with 22 Republicans — including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) — supporting the legislation.
But the proposal has hit a brick wall in the lower chamber, where Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has refused to consider it, citing the absence of language to strengthen security on the U.S.-Mexico border.
To break the logjam, McGovern and Democratic leaders are hoping to find enough bipartisan support for the discharge petition to sidestep Johnson’s opposition and bring the Senate bill to the floor, where they predict it would pass easily with more than 300 votes.
“What we are asking our colleagues — Democrats and Republicans — is to sign the discharge petition that will bring to the floor the Senate national security bipartisan supplemental,” Rep. Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.), chair of the House Democratic Caucus, said Tuesday during a press briefing in the Capitol.
“That is the fastest and easiest way to solve this issue.”
The success rate of discharge petitions, however, is extremely low — the last one to force a bill to the floor occurred in 2015 — and it’s far from certain that Democrats will win the 218 signatures they’re after.
Some liberal Democrats are already balking at the idea of providing more military aid to Israel — as the Senate bill does — amid a war with Hamas that’s already killed more than 30,000 people in Gaza. Those lawmakers want conditions put on that aid, ensuring Israel complies with international human rights guidelines.
Across the aisle, meanwhile, even moderate Republicans — those deemed most likely to endorse McGovern’s discharge petition — are hammering the Democrats’ strategy of insisting on the Senate’s version of the foreign aid package. Those voices say no Ukraine aid can pass through the House without tougher border security.
“It’s DOA, it’ll never get on the floor,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.).
“You got to have ‘remain in Mexico,’” he added, referring to a Trump-era policy that restricted the flow of migrants across the border into the U.S. “We’re gonna have to do some kind of border security policy. And it’s $95 billion, and I think the poor side of the aisle feels like that’s too much money.”
The issue of Ukraine has divided Republicans, both on and off of Capitol Hill, pitting veteran institutionalists like McConnell, who support a muscular foreign policy, against a more isolationist group, led by former President Trump, that wants Washington to direct its resources more squarely on internal domestic problems.
Hoping to bridge that divide is Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), who has introduced his own discharge petition designed to force a vote on a broader Ukraine package that includes the border security provisions many Republicans are demanding.
“It is an unsustainable argument, either in the short-term or the long-term, that we’re going to defend the borders of our foreign allies but not our own,” Fitzpatrick said last week.
That proposal has already won the support of a handful of moderate Democrats, who are warning that their approach is the only viable way to get more Ukraine aid to President Biden’s desk this year.
“Right now, ours is the only one that has bipartisan support,” Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine), one of the lead sponsors of the Fitzpatrick bill, told reporters last week. “There’s no support for the Senate-passed bill when it comes to a strategy focused on a discharge petition.”
Yet Democratic leaders are warning that Ukraine — which is under siege from Russian forces and running low on ammunition — simply doesn’t have the time to wait for Congress to bounce competing bills back and forth between the two chambers.
“These are well-meaning members. But we disagree that that is the right solution,” Aguilar said of those pushing Fitzpatrick’s approach. “Under any scenario, that bill, that discharge, would force a vote on something that still has to go to the U.S. Senate. And that could take weeks or months to deliver the critical aid that’s necessary.”
Democrats launch effort to force vote on Ukraine
House Democrats on Tuesday formally launched their promised effort to force a vote on Ukraine aid, a long-shot bid to compel the legislation to the floor over the objection of the Republican leader…
cannabineer
Ursus marijanus
the Johnson has half of Congress thinking with the wrong head.
printer
Well-Known Member
Johnson signals shift on Ukraine to GOP senators
Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) told Republican senators Wednesday to expect the House to send them legislation to help Ukraine, but cautioned that what comes out of the House will look substantially different than the $95 billion foreign aid package the Senate passed last month.
Johnson tried to reassure frustrated GOP senators who asked him about funding for Ukraine during a question-and-answer session at the annual Senate Republican retreat, which was held at the Library of Congress.
Johnson told senators that the House will send a Ukraine aid package to the Senate but floated the idea of making it a loan or lend-lease program so U.S. taxpayers would not be shelling out tens of billions of dollars without any expectation of getting a return, according to senators who participated in the discussion.
The Speaker also talked about including something similar to the REPO for Ukrainians Act, sponsored by Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), which would authorize the confiscation of Russian sovereign assets and deposit the proceeds of liquidated property into a Ukraine support fund, senators said.
Notably, Johnson did not say whether such a Ukraine aid package would include tough border security reforms, such as “Remain in Mexico” language, which would face opposition from Senate Democrats.
Johnson gave Republican senators a pathway for helping Ukraine a day after he came under pressure from Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) to bring the Senate-passed package funding Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan to the House floor.
“I did get the sense that after the appropriations bills were taken care of that they would turn to that, and there have been a number of suggestions. One has to do with the forfeiture, basically, of $300 billion in Russian assets, which I think is a great idea,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), one of 22 Republican senators who voted for the Senate emergency foreign aid package last month.
Cornyn, who is running to succeed McConnell as GOP leader after this Congress, said seizing Russian assets to help Ukraine is “a great idea.”
“It would be justice to make the Russians to pay for Ukraine, pay the United States and allies for arming Ukraine,” he said.
Cornyn, an adviser to the Senate GOP leadership team, also praised the idea of setting up a lend-lease program to help Ukraine in addition to or perhaps instead of the $60 billion the Senate included in its emergency package.
“That’s what FDR did in World War II,” he said of a lend-lease program, which President Franklin Roosevelt signed in 1941 to arm Britain and other allies against Nazi Germany.
After hearing from Johnson, Cornyn said he’s “pretty optimistic” about the House sending a Ukraine aid package to the Senate.
“I’ve heard the Speaker now say ‘We’re not going to leave Ukraine empty-handed,’ or words to that effect,” he said.
Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who also attended the meeting, said the Speaker clearly stated his intention to help Ukraine.
“He was pretty clear about it,” Cramer said of Johnson’s indication that he would like to pass a lend-lease program and legislation to seize Russian assets to pay for a Ukraine support fund.
“I thought it was very hopeful,” he said, noting that he and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) have worked with the House on a bill to send back to the Senate “that would probably include President Trump’s idea of some sort of lend-lease program.”
“To me it’s the exact way to go about finding a solution that maybe isn’t unanimous but at least everybody can get on board with,” he said.
Johnson told reporters during the House Republican retreat at the Greenbrier Resort in West Virginia late Wednesday that he “will work the will of the House” on a package to help Ukraine and said he doesn’t want to let Russian President Vladimir Putin take over the country.
“No one wants Vladimir Putin to prevail. I’m of the opinion that he wouldn’t stop at Ukraine … and go all through the way through Europe,” he said. “There is a right and wrong there, a good versus evil in my view, and Ukraine is the victim here.”
But he said House Republicans “are processing through all the various options right now” and cautioned that whatever the House passes “may not look exactly like the Senate supplemental.”
Graham said a lend-lease program would help Ukraine stop Russian gains on the battlefield.
“I think it’s an elegant solution, particularly with the REPO Act, where you can take oligarch assets,” he said. “I think that is a sweet spot, because if you’re for helping Ukraine, are you really going to say no to a loan?”
Graham emphasized any loan to Ukraine would be “waivable” and would not charge interest.
“I’m optimistic. I’ve never been more optimistic,” he said, citing Johnson’s comments.
Former President Trump began pushing the idea of sending aid to Ukraine in the form of a loan last month when he attempted to persuade GOP senators to vote against the Senate’s Ukraine funding bill.
“Loan them the money. If they can make it, they pay us back. If they can’t make it, they don’t have to pay us back,” Trump said at a rally in North Charleston, S.C.
Some Republican senators are skeptical of the loan idea, however, warning that would put more financial strain on Ukraine at a time when the country’s forces are losing momentum in the war, and that it could take weeks longer to craft the policy details of a lend-lease program.
“I’ll consider any option that’s put out there. I think a loan would impose a further burden on Ukraine right now at a time when they don’t need it but if that’s what it takes to get aid through, I’d be willing to consider,” said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), the vice chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, who took a leading role in crafting the Senate package.
“I think that the bill that we passed is a better approach,” she said.
“I understand that the House wants to leave its own mark on the bill. That’s totally appropriate but I just wish they’d move on the supplemental. I’m really worried about the Ukrainians running out of ammunition and I think that’s why they’ve had the battlefield setbacks recently,” she said.
Ukrainian troops withdrew from the city of Avdiivka last month, handing Russia a victory.
McConnell pressed Johnson on Tuesday to let House members at least consider the House-passed bill.
“I want to encourage the Speaker again to allow a vote. Let the House speak on the supplemental that we sent over to them several weeks ago,” he told reporters.
Johnson told reporters Wednesday that “I understand the timetable and I understand the urgency of the funding” but pointed out that the Senate took four months to pass its Ukraine funding package.
But he emphasized that he wants to pass the regular appropriations bills before turning to the emergency foreign aid package for Ukraine, given the delicate political calculations of passing bills through the House with a narrow Republican majority.
“In the sequence of events, it was important for us to not put the supplemental in front of the appropriations bills, because it would affect probably the vote tally ultimately on [appropriations], and we got to get our government funded,” he said.
Cramer said Johnson told senators Wednesday that he was confident Senate and House negotiators will reach a deal soon on the second tranche of appropriations bills that need to pass by March 22 to avoid a partial government shutdown.
“He was quite confident about getting the appropriations stuff,” he said. “It sounded like at least five of the six [appropriations] bills are very, very close — even with hours — of being ready.”
Johnson, however, confirmed to senators that major disagreements remain over the Homeland Security appropriations bill, which has become ensnarled by the partisan battle over President Biden’s immigration and border security policies.
Some appropriators are floating the possibility of separating that bill from the other five fills funding the departments of Defense; Labor; Health and Human Services; State; and other priorities.
thehill.com
Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) told Republican senators Wednesday to expect the House to send them legislation to help Ukraine, but cautioned that what comes out of the House will look substantially different than the $95 billion foreign aid package the Senate passed last month.
Johnson tried to reassure frustrated GOP senators who asked him about funding for Ukraine during a question-and-answer session at the annual Senate Republican retreat, which was held at the Library of Congress.
Johnson told senators that the House will send a Ukraine aid package to the Senate but floated the idea of making it a loan or lend-lease program so U.S. taxpayers would not be shelling out tens of billions of dollars without any expectation of getting a return, according to senators who participated in the discussion.
The Speaker also talked about including something similar to the REPO for Ukrainians Act, sponsored by Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), which would authorize the confiscation of Russian sovereign assets and deposit the proceeds of liquidated property into a Ukraine support fund, senators said.
Notably, Johnson did not say whether such a Ukraine aid package would include tough border security reforms, such as “Remain in Mexico” language, which would face opposition from Senate Democrats.
Johnson gave Republican senators a pathway for helping Ukraine a day after he came under pressure from Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) to bring the Senate-passed package funding Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan to the House floor.
“I did get the sense that after the appropriations bills were taken care of that they would turn to that, and there have been a number of suggestions. One has to do with the forfeiture, basically, of $300 billion in Russian assets, which I think is a great idea,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), one of 22 Republican senators who voted for the Senate emergency foreign aid package last month.
Cornyn, who is running to succeed McConnell as GOP leader after this Congress, said seizing Russian assets to help Ukraine is “a great idea.”
“It would be justice to make the Russians to pay for Ukraine, pay the United States and allies for arming Ukraine,” he said.
Cornyn, an adviser to the Senate GOP leadership team, also praised the idea of setting up a lend-lease program to help Ukraine in addition to or perhaps instead of the $60 billion the Senate included in its emergency package.
“That’s what FDR did in World War II,” he said of a lend-lease program, which President Franklin Roosevelt signed in 1941 to arm Britain and other allies against Nazi Germany.
After hearing from Johnson, Cornyn said he’s “pretty optimistic” about the House sending a Ukraine aid package to the Senate.
“I’ve heard the Speaker now say ‘We’re not going to leave Ukraine empty-handed,’ or words to that effect,” he said.
Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who also attended the meeting, said the Speaker clearly stated his intention to help Ukraine.
“He was pretty clear about it,” Cramer said of Johnson’s indication that he would like to pass a lend-lease program and legislation to seize Russian assets to pay for a Ukraine support fund.
“I thought it was very hopeful,” he said, noting that he and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) have worked with the House on a bill to send back to the Senate “that would probably include President Trump’s idea of some sort of lend-lease program.”
“To me it’s the exact way to go about finding a solution that maybe isn’t unanimous but at least everybody can get on board with,” he said.
Johnson told reporters during the House Republican retreat at the Greenbrier Resort in West Virginia late Wednesday that he “will work the will of the House” on a package to help Ukraine and said he doesn’t want to let Russian President Vladimir Putin take over the country.
“No one wants Vladimir Putin to prevail. I’m of the opinion that he wouldn’t stop at Ukraine … and go all through the way through Europe,” he said. “There is a right and wrong there, a good versus evil in my view, and Ukraine is the victim here.”
But he said House Republicans “are processing through all the various options right now” and cautioned that whatever the House passes “may not look exactly like the Senate supplemental.”
Graham said a lend-lease program would help Ukraine stop Russian gains on the battlefield.
“I think it’s an elegant solution, particularly with the REPO Act, where you can take oligarch assets,” he said. “I think that is a sweet spot, because if you’re for helping Ukraine, are you really going to say no to a loan?”
Graham emphasized any loan to Ukraine would be “waivable” and would not charge interest.
“I’m optimistic. I’ve never been more optimistic,” he said, citing Johnson’s comments.
Former President Trump began pushing the idea of sending aid to Ukraine in the form of a loan last month when he attempted to persuade GOP senators to vote against the Senate’s Ukraine funding bill.
“Loan them the money. If they can make it, they pay us back. If they can’t make it, they don’t have to pay us back,” Trump said at a rally in North Charleston, S.C.
Some Republican senators are skeptical of the loan idea, however, warning that would put more financial strain on Ukraine at a time when the country’s forces are losing momentum in the war, and that it could take weeks longer to craft the policy details of a lend-lease program.
“I’ll consider any option that’s put out there. I think a loan would impose a further burden on Ukraine right now at a time when they don’t need it but if that’s what it takes to get aid through, I’d be willing to consider,” said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), the vice chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, who took a leading role in crafting the Senate package.
“I think that the bill that we passed is a better approach,” she said.
“I understand that the House wants to leave its own mark on the bill. That’s totally appropriate but I just wish they’d move on the supplemental. I’m really worried about the Ukrainians running out of ammunition and I think that’s why they’ve had the battlefield setbacks recently,” she said.
Ukrainian troops withdrew from the city of Avdiivka last month, handing Russia a victory.
McConnell pressed Johnson on Tuesday to let House members at least consider the House-passed bill.
“I want to encourage the Speaker again to allow a vote. Let the House speak on the supplemental that we sent over to them several weeks ago,” he told reporters.
Johnson told reporters Wednesday that “I understand the timetable and I understand the urgency of the funding” but pointed out that the Senate took four months to pass its Ukraine funding package.
But he emphasized that he wants to pass the regular appropriations bills before turning to the emergency foreign aid package for Ukraine, given the delicate political calculations of passing bills through the House with a narrow Republican majority.
“In the sequence of events, it was important for us to not put the supplemental in front of the appropriations bills, because it would affect probably the vote tally ultimately on [appropriations], and we got to get our government funded,” he said.
Cramer said Johnson told senators Wednesday that he was confident Senate and House negotiators will reach a deal soon on the second tranche of appropriations bills that need to pass by March 22 to avoid a partial government shutdown.
“He was quite confident about getting the appropriations stuff,” he said. “It sounded like at least five of the six [appropriations] bills are very, very close — even with hours — of being ready.”
Johnson, however, confirmed to senators that major disagreements remain over the Homeland Security appropriations bill, which has become ensnarled by the partisan battle over President Biden’s immigration and border security policies.
Some appropriators are floating the possibility of separating that bill from the other five fills funding the departments of Defense; Labor; Health and Human Services; State; and other priorities.
Johnson signals shift on Ukraine to GOP senators
Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) told Republican senators Wednesday to expect the House to send them legislation to help Ukraine, but cautioned that what comes out of the House will look substantially …
thehill.com
BudmanTX
Well-Known Member
i thought the lend lease program had already started for Ukraine???
https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3522 <--lend lease program in '22
https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/senate-bill/3522 <--lend lease program in '22
printer
Well-Known Member
" (a) Authority To Lend or Lease Defense Articles to Certain
Governments.--
(1) <<NOTE: Time period.>> In general.--Subject to
paragraph (2), for fiscal years 2022 and 2023, the President may
authorize the United States Government to lend or lease defense
articles to the Government of Ukraine or to governments of
Eastern European countries impacted by the Russian Federation's
invasion of Ukraine to help bolster those countries' defense
capabilities and protect their civilian populations from
potential invasion or ongoing aggression by the armed forces of
the Government of the Russian Federation."
How hard would it be to update?
Damn right he's gonna shift,if I was a D in the House,i'd back the FK'r up in a corridor and corner him and say Mikey your gonna put that Ukraine bill to vote on the floor RIGHT,people are dying over there you know what I mean Mikey, do the right thing Mikey,FK Trump he's gonna use you up a spit you out anyway,show some fkn balls Mikey,this is the fkn United States of America Mikey,we stand up to injustice and support freedom here you little fk,NOW DO IT.....You UnderstandJohnson signals shift on Ukraine to GOP senators
Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) told Republican senators Wednesday to expect the House to send them legislation to help Ukraine, but cautioned that what comes out of the House will look substantially different than the $95 billion foreign aid package the Senate passed last month.
Johnson tried to reassure frustrated GOP senators who asked him about funding for Ukraine during a question-and-answer session at the annual Senate Republican retreat, which was held at the Library of Congress.
Johnson told senators that the House will send a Ukraine aid package to the Senate but floated the idea of making it a loan or lend-lease program so U.S. taxpayers would not be shelling out tens of billions of dollars without any expectation of getting a return, according to senators who participated in the discussion.
The Speaker also talked about including something similar to the REPO for Ukrainians Act, sponsored by Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), which would authorize the confiscation of Russian sovereign assets and deposit the proceeds of liquidated property into a Ukraine support fund, senators said.
Notably, Johnson did not say whether such a Ukraine aid package would include tough border security reforms, such as “Remain in Mexico” language, which would face opposition from Senate Democrats.
Johnson gave Republican senators a pathway for helping Ukraine a day after he came under pressure from Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) to bring the Senate-passed package funding Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan to the House floor.
“I did get the sense that after the appropriations bills were taken care of that they would turn to that, and there have been a number of suggestions. One has to do with the forfeiture, basically, of $300 billion in Russian assets, which I think is a great idea,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), one of 22 Republican senators who voted for the Senate emergency foreign aid package last month.
Cornyn, who is running to succeed McConnell as GOP leader after this Congress, said seizing Russian assets to help Ukraine is “a great idea.”
“It would be justice to make the Russians to pay for Ukraine, pay the United States and allies for arming Ukraine,” he said.
Cornyn, an adviser to the Senate GOP leadership team, also praised the idea of setting up a lend-lease program to help Ukraine in addition to or perhaps instead of the $60 billion the Senate included in its emergency package.
“That’s what FDR did in World War II,” he said of a lend-lease program, which President Franklin Roosevelt signed in 1941 to arm Britain and other allies against Nazi Germany.
After hearing from Johnson, Cornyn said he’s “pretty optimistic” about the House sending a Ukraine aid package to the Senate.
“I’ve heard the Speaker now say ‘We’re not going to leave Ukraine empty-handed,’ or words to that effect,” he said.
Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who also attended the meeting, said the Speaker clearly stated his intention to help Ukraine.
“He was pretty clear about it,” Cramer said of Johnson’s indication that he would like to pass a lend-lease program and legislation to seize Russian assets to pay for a Ukraine support fund.
“I thought it was very hopeful,” he said, noting that he and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) have worked with the House on a bill to send back to the Senate “that would probably include President Trump’s idea of some sort of lend-lease program.”
“To me it’s the exact way to go about finding a solution that maybe isn’t unanimous but at least everybody can get on board with,” he said.
Johnson told reporters during the House Republican retreat at the Greenbrier Resort in West Virginia late Wednesday that he “will work the will of the House” on a package to help Ukraine and said he doesn’t want to let Russian President Vladimir Putin take over the country.
“No one wants Vladimir Putin to prevail. I’m of the opinion that he wouldn’t stop at Ukraine … and go all through the way through Europe,” he said. “There is a right and wrong there, a good versus evil in my view, and Ukraine is the victim here.”
But he said House Republicans “are processing through all the various options right now” and cautioned that whatever the House passes “may not look exactly like the Senate supplemental.”
Graham said a lend-lease program would help Ukraine stop Russian gains on the battlefield.
“I think it’s an elegant solution, particularly with the REPO Act, where you can take oligarch assets,” he said. “I think that is a sweet spot, because if you’re for helping Ukraine, are you really going to say no to a loan?”
Graham emphasized any loan to Ukraine would be “waivable” and would not charge interest.
“I’m optimistic. I’ve never been more optimistic,” he said, citing Johnson’s comments.
Former President Trump began pushing the idea of sending aid to Ukraine in the form of a loan last month when he attempted to persuade GOP senators to vote against the Senate’s Ukraine funding bill.
“Loan them the money. If they can make it, they pay us back. If they can’t make it, they don’t have to pay us back,” Trump said at a rally in North Charleston, S.C.
Some Republican senators are skeptical of the loan idea, however, warning that would put more financial strain on Ukraine at a time when the country’s forces are losing momentum in the war, and that it could take weeks longer to craft the policy details of a lend-lease program.
“I’ll consider any option that’s put out there. I think a loan would impose a further burden on Ukraine right now at a time when they don’t need it but if that’s what it takes to get aid through, I’d be willing to consider,” said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), the vice chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, who took a leading role in crafting the Senate package.
“I think that the bill that we passed is a better approach,” she said.
“I understand that the House wants to leave its own mark on the bill. That’s totally appropriate but I just wish they’d move on the supplemental. I’m really worried about the Ukrainians running out of ammunition and I think that’s why they’ve had the battlefield setbacks recently,” she said.
Ukrainian troops withdrew from the city of Avdiivka last month, handing Russia a victory.
McConnell pressed Johnson on Tuesday to let House members at least consider the House-passed bill.
“I want to encourage the Speaker again to allow a vote. Let the House speak on the supplemental that we sent over to them several weeks ago,” he told reporters.
Johnson told reporters Wednesday that “I understand the timetable and I understand the urgency of the funding” but pointed out that the Senate took four months to pass its Ukraine funding package.
But he emphasized that he wants to pass the regular appropriations bills before turning to the emergency foreign aid package for Ukraine, given the delicate political calculations of passing bills through the House with a narrow Republican majority.
“In the sequence of events, it was important for us to not put the supplemental in front of the appropriations bills, because it would affect probably the vote tally ultimately on [appropriations], and we got to get our government funded,” he said.
Cramer said Johnson told senators Wednesday that he was confident Senate and House negotiators will reach a deal soon on the second tranche of appropriations bills that need to pass by March 22 to avoid a partial government shutdown.
“He was quite confident about getting the appropriations stuff,” he said. “It sounded like at least five of the six [appropriations] bills are very, very close — even with hours — of being ready.”
Johnson, however, confirmed to senators that major disagreements remain over the Homeland Security appropriations bill, which has become ensnarled by the partisan battle over President Biden’s immigration and border security policies.
Some appropriators are floating the possibility of separating that bill from the other five fills funding the departments of Defense; Labor; Health and Human Services; State; and other priorities.
Johnson signals shift on Ukraine to GOP senators
Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) told Republican senators Wednesday to expect the House to send them legislation to help Ukraine, but cautioned that what comes out of the House will look substantially …
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Well-Known Member
During the SOTU address you could see he knew enough that money for Ukraine was really important. Getting there is a political calculation and if it were not for the big orange cheeze turd the votes would be there.
cannabineer
Ursus marijanus
the Johnson is, ironically, not a hard man.